topic: | Election |
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located: | Slovakia |
editor: | Magdalena Rojo |
On the last day of February, parliamentary elections in Slovakia brought in a few surprising results.
First of all - the winner was hard to predict even two weeks before the elections. The opposition, centre-right party OLANO (Ordinary People and Independent Personalities), won the elections with a higher difference than any polls had predicted. In only a few months, their percentages skyrocketed from 5 to 25, which brought them 53 seats in a 150-seat parliament. They ended the 12-year winning streak of SMER-Social Democracy, who only got 18 per cent of the votes.
Surprisingly to many, the promising liberal coalition of the two parties PS and Spolu (Progressive Slovakia and Together) did not make it, missing the 7 per cent limit set for coalitions to enter the parliament by only 926 votes.
On the other side of the spectrum, the far-right party Kotlebovci-LSNS (Our Slovakia Popular Party ) got 17 parliamentary seats, three more than four years ago. Here, however, OLANO was also successful, as they were able to win over some of their voters. In January, the polls predicted almost 13 per cent for the fascist party, they ended up getting less than 8. Sociologist Michal Vasecka explains this phenomenon as natural, pointing at the party's leader, Igor Matovic’s ability to attract frustrated voters (and they were a many before these elections). OLANO is not a standard political party on the scene; since its inception, it presents itself as a movement that any ordinary person can join.
Igor Matovic is already leading the debates with potential coalition partners. With the exception of one (that only won 6 per cent of the votes), all other parties participating in these debates are considered (more or less) conservative. Many members of the parliament are known for their conservative attitudes, for example, in regards to LGBTI rights or the reproductive health of women.
In these elections, Slovakia said a clear yes to conservative values rather than liberal ones. It voted for various populist leaders who promise a social state and protection against migrants. It also voted for men as only one-fifth of the new parliamentary members are women. And, most importantly, Slovakia clearly voted for those who most loudly declared fighting against corruption.
The defeat of SMER was not surprising. After the murders of investigative journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kusnirova two years ago, demonstrators took to the streets of Slovakia's cities and towns pressuring the former Prime Minister from SMER, Robert Fico, to step down. Disclosures about the extent of corruption and the power of oligarchs in the state made up for the main topic in these elections, and OLANO had the strongest marketing in promoting a fight against these issues.
SMER goes into the opposition. The voters seem satisfied with the results of the elections, arguing that voting them out was all they wanted. But is it really?
Looking at the results and observing the talks about the new government, the question raised is: how long can the new coalition last once it is created? The four political parties trying to create a coalition have different opinions on the issues the country is facing in terms of social politics, economics as well as foreign policies. Questions about the morals of some nominees also arise.
Politics is about compromises, however, it is also important what we compromise. Can eliminating SMER and the corrupt environment they created be the only goal? And will the parties have to disregard their values and principles in order to find a common ground and succeed in facing the up-to-date challenges?